56 pages • 1 hour read
David W. BlightA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
With the war ended and slavery abolished, Douglass is at a crossroads in terms of a future life direction. Blight asks, “How would the drumbeating war propagandist, visionary of an apocalyptic struggle for black freedom [...] convert overnight into new roles and vocations? What would he do after abolition?” (464).
The orator discovers a lucrative source of income in going back on the lecture circuit since he can now command large speaker’s fees wherever he appears. Douglass is also finally able to abandon his newspaper because his essays are welcome in some of the nation’s most widely read periodicals. He continues to fret over the Black suffrage question, especially with the introduction of the Fourteenth Amendment that guarantees equal rights under the law to all men. The amendment does not explicitly call for universal male suffrage as a right, so Douglass continues to harp on that issue in all his speeches.
The Black suffrage issue becomes all the more urgent once Andrew Johnson becomes president after Lincoln’s assassination. Johnson is a pro-slavery southerner who turns a blind eye to abuses already cropping up in the South during Reconstruction. This bias enrages radical Republicans who enlist Douglass into their cause. He soon becomes an influential player in party politics. Blight writes, “If the old abolitionist needed a new occupation, he surely had one now—the frightening black man with brains who had penetrated the racist psyches of powerful people with words and his physical presence” (478).
The Fourteenth Amendment opens the door to the Fifteenth, which will grant all male citizens the right to vote. In the years leading up to the ratification of the Fifteenth in 1870, the women’s suffrage movement agitates for inclusion in the franchise. Although Douglass has always been a supporter of female suffrage, he fears that including women in the amendment will harm the chance of its passage for Black males. This stance earns the wrath of feminist leaders Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony. It takes decades to heal the breach between Douglass and his former friends.
In the summer of 1867, Douglass’s older brother Perry appears on his doorstep with a wife and family. The brothers haven’t seen one another in 40 years. Perry explains that, after the war, he left a plantation in Louisiana to seek out his famous sibling. Douglass builds a cottage on the property to house this addition to his extended family. However, his own children find the manners and hygiene of the newcomers appalling. Ottilie expresses a similar revulsion during her visits to Rochester.
Nevertheless, Douglass does his best to provide a home for the new arrivals as well as his quarrelsome and frequently impecunious adult children. The three brothers fight among themselves, and all unite in their aversion to Rosetta’s husband Nathan, whom they accuse of theft and deception. Douglass occasionally funds his children’s business ventures, but these usually fail. The combination of racism and lack of personal initiative leaves them all as dependents on the family patriarch for prolonged periods.
To add to the household stress, Ottilie makes her seasonal visits and offers snide comments about the rest of Douglass’s family. She continues to mock the illiterate Anna. In a letter to Douglass, she writes, “That you should pick up Perry is just like you and natural enough. . . . Among all the leeches that feed on you he is one of the most harmless and least expensive” (511).
Ottilie frequently encourages Douglass to run away with her to Europe, but nothing ever comes of her scheme. In speculating about their long-lasting intimacy, the biographer writes, “He likely cherished her unconditional admiration and devotion, as long as he could control its contours” (513).
Douglass is unable to relinquish either the stolid Anna or the scintillating Ottilie. In the former, he finds the maternal figure who will never leave him. In forming attachments to intellectual women like Julia and Ottilie, he receives flattering adoration as well as the stimulation of his own mental powers. Because she is illiterate, Anna never writes out her thoughts on the odd arrangement. The biographer concludes, “Anna acquiesced in what Douglass needed as long as nothing terrible happened to threaten the family any more than its own internal battles already did” (519).
Between 1872 and 1874, Douglass experiences many setbacks. In June 1872, his property in Rochester catches fire. Arson is suspected but never proven. At this time, the Ku Klux Klan is emerging as a powerful new foe of Reconstruction and equal rights, and some of its ire is directed toward Douglass as the most prominent voice of Black freedom.
Dejected by the loss of his home, Douglass sells the Rochester property and resettles his army of dependents in a townhouse in Washington. He previously maintained a second residence there to be close to the seat of political power. It now becomes his permanent base of operations. As the need for activism related to abolition disappears, Douglass becomes increasingly involved in Washington politics: “His voice would still be that of a radical; but much more work emerged now for the pragmatist, the party man, and the racial symbol” (523-24).
During this time, Douglass launches a new newspaper. His three sons help manage the publishing business, with Ottilie as contributor and editor. According to Blight, “Happily, the editor’s pen beckoned. Douglass got his voice back in the New National Era. He loved the rush and excitement of getting the paper out” (529).
Much of his rhetoric during this period targets the revisionist history of the Civil War being created by Southerners. In depicting themselves as the noble defenders of a lost way of life, pro-slavery forces are trying to control the narrative of how they will be remembered. Douglass does his best in print to contradict this new myth.
Aside from the newspaper, Douglass also works actively for President Ulysses S. Grant’s administration. One of Grant’s favorite initiatives is the annexation of Santo Domingo. Despite Douglass’s previous objections to relocation schemes, he sees this as a bright opportunity for Black Americans who might wish to make a new start in a place that already has a large African population. Blight writes, “It is never easy to be a good imperialist, but the old abolitionist did his best” (542). Congress never agrees to annex the region, so Douglass’s efforts prove in vain. At the same time, he experiences more reversals of fortune as his other ventures fail. The New National Era goes under in 1874, as does the Freedman’s Bank, which Douglass briefly manages during a national depression.
This segment covers the period between the end of the Civil War in 1865 and 1874. Thematically, Douglass once again returns to the question of his identity. He has devoted his entire adult life to the issue of emancipation. That goal has finally been achieved. Both Douglass and a nation of newly freed Black Americans are all asking the same question: “Who am I now?”
On a personal level, Douglass needs to reinvent himself. He publishes a second newspaper and becomes closely tied to the Republican party. This represents a radical change from his earlier apolitical views or even his attachment to Gerrit Smith’s party. Douglass greets the Johnson administration with foreboding. Abolition freed enslaved people, but Reconstruction might place them back into bondage. Douglass believes that the best means of preventing this calamity would be to enfranchise all the freedmen. In espousing this doctrine, he will find himself once again on the horns of a dilemma. Meanwhile, his domestic trouble is about to return with a vengeance.
Ever since Julia Griffiths first took up residence in the Douglass household, the orator has faced controversies involving women. Friction with Anna eventually causes Julia to go back to England. However, her place is soon filled by Ottilie Assing. Once again, Douglass does little to discourage an intimate connection with a brilliant woman who stands in stark contrast to his wife. And again, Anna endures Ottilie’s yearly summer stays in her home, though the two women can barely tolerate one another. Douglass takes a passive stance by not choosing one over the other. Unfortunately, when it comes to women’s suffrage, he will be forced to take a side.
Despite his long-standing support of women’s suffrage, Douglass is willing to sacrifice the enfranchisement of his feminist friends to gain the vote for Black men. He is wounded by the fury of Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony over his unwillingness to stand with them. Ironically, his choice of political expediency over principle is exactly the same tactic that he attacked Lincoln for using in the early years of his administration. Douglass has been forced to pick a side on the woman question. While he could dodge the issue on the domestic front, he isn’t so lucky in the arena of politics.
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